The myth of the peasantry;
family and economy in a northern parish
ALAN MACFARLANE
[From Richard M.Smith (ed.), Land, Kinship and
Life-cycle (Cambridge Univ. Press, 1984)
p.333
Historians and sociologists agree that England
between the thirteenth
and eighteenth centuries was a 'peasant'
nation.(1) By this they often
mean no more than that it fitted within the
definition proposed by
Firth when he wrote that by a peasant community 'one
means a
system of small-scale producers, with a simple
technology and
equipment, often relying primarily for their
subsistence on what they
themselves produce. The primary means of
livelihood of the peasant
is cultivation of the soil.' (2) England would
also appear to have been a
peasant nation in the more precise sense that it
was, to follow
Kroeber and Redfield, a society where those
living in the countryside
constituted a 'part-culture' dependent on towns,
markets and a
state.(3) One consequence of this interpretation is that
the basic
contrast is held to be between industrial nations
on the one hand and
'peasant' nations on the other. Thus England is
lumped with con-
tinental Europe, Ireland and Scotland up to the
nineteenth century,
with pre-revolutionary Russia and China and with
contemporary,
(1) There is a more detailed
discussion of the stereotype and of the definitional problem
in a paper, which complements
this essay, entitled 'The Peasantry in England before
the Industrial Revolution. A
mythical model?', in D. Green, C. Haselgrove and M.
Spriggs, editors, Social
Organization and settlement (oxford, 1978), pp. 325-41, cited
hereafter as Macfarlane,
'Peasantry'. Two examples of similar studies are R. H.
Hilton, The English Peasantry
in the Later Middle Ages (Oxford, 1975), and J. Thirsk,
English Peasant Farming
(London ' 1957). The research on the parish of Kirkby
Lonsdale upon which this
article is based has been funded by the Social Science
Research Council and King's
College Research Centre, Cambridge, to whom I am
most grateful. Much of the
work has been carried out by Sarah Harrison. I should
also like to thank Cherry
Bryant, Charles Jardine, Iris Macfarlane and Jessica styles
for their help. I also
acknowledge the help of the County Archives offices at Kendal,
Carlisle and Preston.
(2) Quoted in G. Dalton, 'Peasantries in
Anthropology and History', Current Anthropology 13: 3-4 (1972), p.386.
(3) R. Redfield, Peasant Society and Culture
(Chicago, Ill., 1960), p. 40.
334
India and Mexico. It is assumed that useful
lessons can be learnt by
comparing basically similar social and economic
structures. There has
been a growing interest recently in refining such
a crude dichotomy
in order to make it possible to distinguish
between different agrarian
systems. Following the lead of Chayanov it has
been suggested that
one extra feature is needed in order to make the
label 'peasant'
appropriate for an agricultural 'part-society.
This final criterion is
described by Thorner as follows. (4)
Our fifth and final
criterion, the most fundamental, is that of the unit of
production. In our concept of
peasant economy the typical and most
representative units of
production are the peasant family households. We
define a peasant family
household as a socio-economic unit which grows
crops primarily by the
physical efforts of the members of the family ... In a
peasant economy half or more
of all crops grown will be produced by such
peasant households, relying
mainly on their own family labour ...
As Shanin states, the basic feature is that 'the
family farm is the basic
unit of peasant ownership, production,
consumption and social life.
The individual, the family and the farm, appear
as an indivisible
whole . . .' (5) Among the consequences of this
situation is the fact that
the head of the family appears as 'the manager
rather than proprietor
of family land', that the fertility of children
is encouraged in order to
increase the labour force of the productive unit,
that peasant villages
or communities are usually more or less
self-sufficient.' As Chayanov
had stated much earlier, 'The first fundamental
characteristic of the
farm economy of the peasant is that it is a
family economy. Its whole
organization is determined by the size and
composition of the
peasant family and by the co-ordination of its
consumptive demands
with the number of its working hands." Thus,
when we speak of
peasantry we are trying to describe not merely a
particular tech-
nology, but also the basic organization of
ownership, production and
consumption.
In the
article cited above I have argued at some length that certain
central features of English society in the
sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries lead us to suspect that the situation
was very far removed
from that of an ideal-type peasant society. For
example, the property
rights of women and children were totally
contrary to those in other
peasant societies. Furthermore, a detailed
analysis of the Essex parish
of Earls Colne in the period 1500-1750 showed
that in every respect it
4 In T. Shanin, editor, Peasants and Peasant
Societies Harmondsworth, 1971), p. 205.
5 Shanin, Peasants, p. 241.
6 Shanin, Peasants, pp. 242-4.
7 Quoted in E. Wolf, Peasants (Englewood Cliffs,
NJ, 1966), p. 14.
335
was 'non-peasant'. (8) A brief survey of some
other villages studied by
Hoskins and Spufford confirmed that Essex was not
exceptional in
this respect. Yet all these studies are based on
the lowland area of
England where the market was well developed. It
is well known that
there was great regional variation in England
during the sixteenth to
eighteenth centuries. If we are attempting to
establish an English
pattern, it is necessary to produce evidence from
an upland area.
Furthermore, if we are to find a pre-industrial
peasantry anywhere in
the country it seems likely that it will be in
the higher, supposedly
more remote and backward, upland region. It is
generally agreed by
those familiar with such regions that kinship and
the family were
more important in the upland region. There, if
anywhere we will be
dealing with a domestic economy, based on
extended kinship and
family labour. Groups of kin are the basic unit
of production in a
peasant society. In association , with low
geographical mobility this
will lead us to expect a high degree of kin co-residence
in an area with
'peasants'. It is therefore relevant that a
number of local historians
have spoken of the 'kindreds' and 'clans' of
these upland areas, in
contrast to the dispersed kin of the lowlands.
Describing Troutbeck in
Cumbria, Scott noted the frequent occurrence of
identical surnames
and wrote: 'These families - we might rather call
them clans -
inter-married so frequently that their
descendants are inevitably
related many times over . . .(9) Cowper,
describing Hawkshead in
north Lancashire, wrote: 'what we venture to
term, in default of a
better word, the clan system - the cohabitation
of hamlets and areas
by many folks owning the same surname and a
common origin'. (10)
More recently James has suggested that 'upland'
areas in the Durham
region were more familistic, (11) and Thirsk has
noted that while the
'clan' was only strong in Northumbria, in many
upland areas 'the
family often exerted a stronger authority than
the manorial lord'.(12)
8. The nature of the sources and methods used in
the study of Earls Colne, a project
funded by the Social Science Research Council, is
described in A. Macfarlane,
Reconstructing Historical Communities (Cambridge,
1977).
9. S. H. Scott, A Westmorland Village (London,
1904), p. 261.
10. H. S. Cowper, Hawkshead (London, 1899), p.
199. See also, on 'kindreds' in the area,
C. M. L. Bouch and G. P. Jones, A Short Economic
and Social History of the Lake Counties
1500-1830 (Manchester, 1961), p. 90. Cowper's
observation is confirmed in one
respect by the recent discovery that in the
Hawkshead parish register for 1560-1800,
twelve out of 506 name sets account for 36% of
the total baptisms. I owe this fact to
Dr Richard Smith and the SSRC Cambridge Group for
the History of Population and
Social Structure.
11. M. E. James, Family, Lineage and Civil
Society: A Study of Society, Politics
and Mentality in the Durham Region,
1500-1640 (oxford, 1974), p. 24.
12. J. Thirsk, editor, The Agrarian History of
England and Wales, Vol, IV (Cambridge, 1967), pp. 9, 23.
336
Speaking of the northern fells, and in particular
the areas of partible
inheritance, Thirsk writes that 'the family was
and is the working
unit, all joining in the running of the farm, all
accepting without
question the fact that the family holding would
provide for them
all ....' (13) Of all the upland areas of
England, the area most likely to
be, inhabited by peasants was southern Cumbria,
that is parts of the
Lake District, west Yorkshire and north
Lancashire. It is known that a
special form of social structure, based on small
family estates',
existed there. A peculiar form of land tenure had
given rise to the
,statesman' in an area of weak manorial control
and difficult com-
munications. As Scott wrote of Troutbeck, 'Under
this system of
customary tenure there has grown up a race of men
singularly sturdy,
independent, and tenacious of their rights ...
Instead of the land
being occupied by two or three squires, and a
subservient tenantry,
this single township has contained some fifty
statesmen families,
which have held the same land from generation to
generation with
the pride of a territorial aristocracy."'
The security, the immobility,
the equality, all seem to indicate a peasant
society.
In
this region lies the parish of Kirkby Lonsdale, where the stone
walls and substantial farmhouses remain very much
as they were in
the seventeenth century. The parish produced
grain, wool and cattle
in an area stretching from rich riverside meadows
in the south up to
high fells of nearly two thousand feet on the
east. The approximately
2,500 inhabitants in the late seventeenth century
were distributed in
nine townships. The tenurial situation varied
from township to
township, and consequently each had a different
social structure.
According to Machell, who travelled through the
parish in 1692 and
whose findings are corroborated and expanded by
Nicholson
and Burn, (15) the tenurial situation in the
various townships at the
end of the seventeenth century was as follows:
Kirkby Lonsdale: some tenants
free (about one third), some customary, some
customary at fine arbitrary,
some arbitrary (copyhold), some heriotable.
Casterton: tenants about half
free and half customary, paying a fine certain
for three years rent.
Barbon: six or seven
freeholds; all tenants are finable and arbitrary (i.e.
copyhold), they were sold to
freehold in 1716.
13. 'Industries in the Countryside', in F. J.
Fisher, editor, Essays in the Economic and Social
History of Tudor and Stuart England (Cambridge,
1961), p. 83.
14. Scott, Westmorland Village, pp. 20-1.
15. J. M. Ewbank, editor, Antiquary on Horseback
(Kendal, 1963), pp. 18, 26, 29, 36, 39-1
J. Nicholson and R. Burn, The History and
Antiquities of the Counties of Westmorland and
Cumberland (London, 1777), Vol. ii, pp. 243-65.
337
Middleton: the tenants
purchased their estates to freehold ill the time of
Elizabeth and James 1.
Firbank: all freeholders,
having purchased their customary tenures in 1586.
Killington: all freeholders,
having purchased their customary
tenures in 1585.
Lupton: only about two
freehold tenements, all the rest customary.
Hutton Roof: some divided
customary estates, but generally bought them-
selves free.(16)
This illustrates the variability even within a
parish, supporting
Gilpin's contemporary observation that 'Customs
especially in the
Northern Parts of this Nation are so varied and
differing in them-
selves as that a man might almost say that there
are as many, severall
Customes as mannors . . . yea and almost as many
as there are
Townshipps or Hamletts in a mannor. (17) We may
examine in more
detail two townships which were adjacent, but
which contrast strik-
ingly in their tenurial situation, namely Lupton
and Killington. In
Lupton there was an absentee lord ,)f the minor,
but he owned very
little of the township land directly, there was
no 'demesne'. Almost
all the land was held by customary tenants with
holdings of between
fifteen and forty acres apiece and some rights in
the common grazing.
In Killington the form of tenure had originally
been the same as that
in Lupton, but in 1585 the customary holdings had
been converted to
freehold. One consequence was that there were two
persons styled
I gentlemen' living in Killington according to
the listing of inhabitants
of 1695,(18) whereas there were none in Lupton.
But even these were
minor gentry. The largest land holder's holding
in Killington before
the Civil War consisted of a capital messuage,
Killington Hall, forty
acres of arable, twenty acres of meadow, one
hundred acres of
pasture and one hundred acres of moss and furze
called 'Killington
Demesne', another messuage with sixteen acres of
land and a water
mill." This was roughly five times the size
of the average holding in
Killington, but, since there were about forty
estates in the township,
it only constituted about one-eighth of the total
land area.
It is
clear that English 'freehold' tenure, which gave an individual
complete and total rights over his land, is
diametrically opposed to
the form of land holding that is characteristic
of peasant societies,
16. W. Farrer and J. F. Curwen, Records Relating
to the Barony of Kendale (Kendal, 1924),
Vol. it, p. 416.
17. A. Bagot, 'Mr Gilpin and Manorial Customs',
Transactions of the Cumberland and
Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological
Society new series 62 (1961), p. 228.
18. The listing, which covers the whole of Kirkby
Lonsdale parish, is in the Record Office
at Kendal among the Fleming papers (WD/RY).
19. An inquisition of 1639, reprinted in Farrer
and Curwen, Records of Kendale, Vol it,
p. 437.
338
where there is a form of joint family
ownership.(20) It thus seems very
likely that, whatever may superficially appear to
be the case, Killing-
ton after 1585, Firbank after 1586, Barbon after
1716, Middleton
since the early seventeenth century and parts of
Kirkby Lonsdale and
Hutton Roof had a form of land tenure system
incompatible with
peasantry. Yet in the areas with 'customary'
tenure, particularly
Lupton, where nearly all was held in this way,
some form of family
estate might have existed, surviving longer there
than in the other
townships. We therefore need to examine this
northern customary
tenure, known as 'border tenure' or 'tenant
right' in more detail.
The
parish of Kirkby Lonsdale lay within the barony of Kendal, and
consequently all the manors, except the rectory
manor, were held of
that barony." 'Customary' tenure was thus
part of that general
border tenure which has been particularly well
documented since it
was a peculiarity of the area and the subject of
considerable litigation
in the seventeenth century. An excellent
contemporary description is
given by Gilpin, (22) and there have been a
number of more recent (23)
descriptions. Supposedly in exchange for armed
service on the
border, the tenant held by a form of tenure which
lay somewhere
between ordinary copyhold as known in the south
of England and
freehold. As with copyhold, the tenant paid
certain fines and rents to
the lord, though these were usually fixed and
small, and performed
certain services or 'boons. But unlike copyhold,
the holding of land
was not 'at the will of the lord' but by the
custom of the manor. The
land holdings were known as 'customary estates of
inheritance' and
could be transferred from one 'owner' to the next
without the
permission of the lord, only being registered,
and a fine being paid, in
the manorial court. The estates were 'descendible
from ancestor to
heir under certain yearly rents. Furthermore,
'the copyholder had
no property in the timber on the land; the
customary tenant owns
everything, as if it were freehold, except the
minerals beneath the
Soil. (21) Customary tenants could devise their
land by will, and it
descended automatically to their children or
other legal heirs if no will
was made. This situation has been described as
'tantamount to
20 For
a more detailed discussion of this opposition, see Macfarlane, 'Peasantry'.
21 Farrer
and Curwen, Records of Kendale, Vol ii, p. 305.
22 Bagot,
'Mr Gilpin and Manorial Customs'.
23 Bouch
and Jones, Economic ... History of the Lake Counties, pp. 65ff; J. R. Ford,
'The
Customary
Tenant-Right of the Manors of Yealand', Transactions of the Cumberland ;
and
Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society new series (1909), pp.
147ff; W. Butler, 'The Customs and Tenant
Right Tenures of the Northern Counties . . .',
Transactions
of the Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society ' new series 26 (1926), pp.
318-36.
24 Scott, Westmorland Village, p. It'.
339
freehold', (25) and in regard to security of
tenure this was the case,
though the fines, rents and services made it akin
to copyhold in other
respects. The estates could be bought and sold by
ordinary deeds of
bargain and sale, though they would also be
registered as admit-
tances in the court roll.(26) This was a form of
transfer exactly similar to
freehold. (27) The major restriction on the
tenant was that the inherited
estate should not be subdivided. In order that
the land holding
should be large enough to provide a warrior for
the border defences,
the customs stated that all of the holding should
go to one person, the
widow, then to a son, and in default of a son to
only one daughter. As
we shall see, this was a very strict form of
impartibility.
One
supposed result of such a system was that wealth was evenly
distributed between equal 'family farms'. This
equality was noted by
those who had witnessed the collapse of the old
tenurial system in
the second half of the eighteenth century.
Looking back to the first
half of that century, a writer in 1812 described
how 'excepting the
estates of a few noblemen and baronets, the land
was divided into
small freeholds and customary tenements, in the
occupation of
owners . . ..' (28) Another supposed result was
that a certain family
would be identified with an estate, and that it
would pass for many
generations down the same family.
Yet,
if we look a little more closely at the precise nature of
ownership, the pattern is not so simple. We have
noted that farm and
family are merged in peasant societies; it is the
family or household as
a group that owns the farm holding, the head of
the family merely
being the de facto manager. Individual ownership
is alien. This is
absolutely the opposite of the case in both
Lupton and Killington,
where it would be difficult to envisage a more
individualistic form of
land holding, either by freehold or by customary
tenure. There is no
evidence in any of the multitudinous court
records or customs of the
area that the property was jointly owned by the
family. In fact, all the
indications are in the opposite direction. First,
it is clear that in both
townships the landed property was transferred to
one person, who
was not merely the nominal title holder but the
owner in an exclusive
sense. This owner might as easily be a woman as a
man. If anything,
the individualism of ownership was even more
extreme than in most
copyhold tenures in the south for whereas in
Essex, for example, all
25 Butler, 'Tenant Right Tenures', p. 320.
26 Ibid., p. 319.
27 Ford, 'Customary Tenant-Right', p. 157.
28 J. Gough, Manners and Customs of Westmorland
... (Kendal, 1847; first printed in
1812), p. 25.
340
daughters received shares in the estate as
co-parceners if there was no
male heir, in Lupton the principle of individual
property prevented
this division. By the custom of that manor, and
generally under
tenant-right tenure, in the event of no sons
surviving the holding
went to only one daughter. As Machell put it,
quoting from a
Chancery decree of the early seventeenth century,
(29) there was a
general custom in the barony of Kendal 'that the
eldest daughter/
sister/cousin inherits without copartnership in
tenancy'. This was a
direct equivalent to the custom of male
primogeniture in the area. The
general principle was that the holding belonged
to one person, and
could only be transferred to one person; it was not
owned by a group
of brothers, for example, and partitioned between
them as in peasant
societies. As I have argued in the article
already cited, the presence of
primogeniture and impartible inheritance, and the
consequent disin-
heritance from the main holding of the other
children, which many
observers have noted to be more extreme in
England than anywhere
else in the world, is inconceivable in a
'peasant' society. In a peasant
society, the estate is held jointly by the
children; it may be temporari-
ly partitioned according to their needs, in which
case all the males
have equal rights. In most of England, the main
estate could not be
divided or partitioned, though extra pieces which
had been accumu-
lated could be given to other children. Thus it
could be argued that
merely finding impartible inheritance, as we do
in the tenant-right
area, is a sure index of the absence of a true
peasantry.
Unfortunately
it is not possible to deal here with the considerable
areas of partible inheritance in England,
particularly in the upland
areas. One of the best documented of these was in
Dentdale, which
lay alongside Kirkby Lonsdale. The contrast
between the two
parishes is very instructive and has been
illuminated in a general way
by Dr Thirsk. (30) It would be very useful to
obtain an account of the
relations between family and economy in such a
region, testing out
the hypotheses concerning a peasant social
structure. It would also be
useful to know more concerning women's property
rights. In peasant
societies, land is not owned individually, and
therefore when a
woman marries out of a village or family she may
not take land with
her, though she may own moveable objects and
possess livestock.
But in both Lupton and Killington, as elsewhere
in England,
women's property rights were extensive. A number
of the wills for
these two townships mention women holding landed
property, and
it has already been mentioned that a widow would
succeed to her
31 Ewbank, Antiquary on Horseback, p. 3.
30 Thirsk, 'Industries in the Countryside'.
341
husband's estate, followed by one daughter when a
son had not
survived. Men could thus hold land 'in the right
of their wife.
If
further proof of individualistic property rights is needed, it may
be found in the numerous proceedings in cases
which came from the
parish of Kirkby Lonsdale to be heard in
Chancery. The court dealt
with numerous disputes where one individual
sought to obtain rights
over a specific piece of land or other property.
Reading through the
roughly 70 000 words of information in sixteenth-
and seventeenth-
century cases from this parish has not once given
any hint or
suspicion that there was a strong link between a
family group and a
holding in the sense that some group larger than
the individual
owned the property .(31) The head of the
household or registered
landowner clearly owned the property in the full
sense, and was not
merely the organizer of a joint labour group.
There is no trace of the
family as the basic unit of ownership and
production.
It
might be objected that the wife and children did, in this area,
have inalienable rights in the family property.
It could be pointed out
that by tenant-right the widow inherited the
whole of her husband's
estate during her 'pure' widowhood, that is as
long as she did not
remarry or have sexual intercourse. Furthermore,
Kirkby Lonsdale
was within the archdiocese of York, where there
was a custom until
1692 that a wife and children each had a right to
one-third of their
husband's/ father's moveable goods at his
death.(32) If we look more
closely at both Common Law as it applied to
freehold lands and
manorial customs, it is clear that this was not a
joint estate. The wife
only had rights as long as she was a widow, and
the children had no
inalienable rights in their parent's land or
other real estate. Even with
moveable goods, a man could give them all away in
his life-time, just
as he could sell or give away all his land. In Kirkby
Lonsdale, as in the
rest of England, the principle that 'a living man
has no heirs', that
children had no inalienable rights in a family
estate, appears to have
been present.(33) Thus a father could totally
disinherit a son if he so
wished; primogeniture merely meant that an eldest
male heir would
inherit if no will or transfer before death had
been made to the
31 Most
of the Kirkby Lonsdale proceedings have been found among the papers of the
Six Clerks, in classes C.5-C.10 in the Public
Record Office, Chancery Lane. A
standard description of this much under-used
source is W. J. Jones, The Elizabethan
Court of Chancery (oxford, 1967).
32 H. Swinburne, A Treatise of Testaments and
Last Wills, 5th edition (London, 1728), pp.
"04-5.
33 Maitland
stated that this principle was grasped in the thirteenth century: Sir F.
Pollock and F. W. Maitland, The History of
English Law Before the Time of Edward 1, 2nd
edition (Cambridge, 1968), Vol. ii, p. 308.
342
contrary. It did not mean that a son would
automatically inherit.
Thus, for example, in Lupton we find in the will
of John Wooddes in
1682 that, because the eldest son Roland 'would
never doe my
counsell nor be ordered by me neyther is a fyth
man to serve the
queries majestie nor the lords for these causes
and consyderation',
the whole estate was given to the younger son,
who was merely to
pay his elder brother £6 13s 4d. (34) In
Killington, a man could do what
he liked with his real estate, with the exception
that a widow had
one-third as a dower for life. In Lupton, he
could do what he liked
before his death, or after the death of his wife,
on condition that the
inherited estate was not divided.
One
consequence of the highly developed private property rights
in the area was the enormous amount of litigation
in the central
courts of equity, primarily Chancery. Another
result was the making
of a very large number of wills dealing with
chattels and real estate. It
has been pointed out that in peasant societies,
for example in Russia
before 1930,31 wills were either unknown, or
regarded with great
dislike. Since the dying father is not the
private owner of the
property, he cannot devise it to a specific
individual. The sons are
co-owners with the father, just as they are
co-workers. But in Kirkby
Lonsdale numerous wills were made which embody
the principle of
devisability of land, thus extending the father's
power after his death.
For example, the township of Lupton, with a total
population of
about 150 persons at the end of the seventeenth
century, produced
115 wills during the period 1550-1720. Many of
these were concerned
with allocating cash portions to younger males
and to girls who
would not normally benefit directly from the land
holding, but they
also frequently confirmed the disposition of real
estate.
Another
feature we associate with traditional peasantry is geo-
graphical immobility; both families and
individuals tend to remain for
their lives in one village or group of villages.
This does not seem to
have been the case in Kirkby Lonsdale. To start
with the crude index
of the survival of family names, we may look to
see how many of the
28 surnames of those who held land in the
township of Lupton in
1642 according to a tenant list were still
present two generations later
in a list for 1710. (36) The answer is twelve;
thus less than half were still
present. Of course we have to allow for change of
name at marriage,
or the chance that unrelated individuals with
identical surnames had
34 The will is among those for the Deanery of
Lonsdale in the Lancashire Record Office
at Preston.
35 T. Shanin, The Awkward Class (Oxford, 1972),
p. 223.
36 The lists are among the Lonsdale papers
(D/Lons) at the Record Office, Carlisle.
343
come into the parish. Further research will
establish how many of the
holdings were in the same family throughout this
period. what is
certain is that the rate of change of ownership
increased in the middle
of the eighteenth century so that there was
hardly a farm owned by
the same family throughout the period 1642-1800.
It is also clear from
preliminary work that, even before the
introduction of turnpike roads
and other pressures which are believed to have
destroyed the old
patterns, there was very considerable mobility of
farm holdings.
There is no evidence whatsoever, from the
figures, from the wording
of wills or from the contents of legal cases,
that families and farms
were closely attached by sentiment. It is
symbolic that the farms were
hardly ever called after families, but after
natural features: Foulstone,
Greenside, Fellhouses. Contemporaries only seem
to have talked
occasionally of the 'Burrows of Foulstone' to
differentiate them from
other persons of the same surname in the parish.
The situation was a
long way from the imaginary world of Cold Comfort
Farm; 'there
have always been Starkadders at Cold Comfort . .
.'. But even more
striking than the movement of whole families is
the degree of
individual mobility.
Although
there is some out-migration, and daughters often move
to a nearby village at marriage, one of the
central features of peasant
societies is their low rate of geographical
mobility. Except in times of
crisis, a man born in a village is likely to
remain there all his life,
working on the jointly held estate and receiving
his rightful share
when married. Girls would stay to work for the
communal labour
pool until marriage. Farm labour is family
labour, the unit of
production swelling and contracting over the
life-cycle. The unit of
production is based on the biological family,
with adopted and
in-marrying additions. It is now known that
nothing like this occur-
red in Kirkby Lonsdale in the seventeenth
century. Preliminary
figures published some years ago showed that a
very considerable
proportion of the children left home in their
early or middle teens. (37)
Using a combination of parish register and a
listing of inhabitants, it is
possible to estimate the frequency with which
those baptized in the
parish remained there, In Lupton, for example, of
twenty males
baptized in the period 1660-9 who were not
recorded as buried before
1695, only six were present in the listing of
that year. Fourteen had
disappeared from the township. Women were even
more mobile. Of
23 girls baptized in the same period whose burial
is not recorded, not
a single one was present in the listing of 1695.
A search for both boys
37 A. Macfarlane, The Family Life of Ralph
Josselin (Cambridge, 1970), pp. 209-10.
344
and girls for the decades after this also
suggests that very few of the
children stayed in Lupton after the first few
years of their lives, even
though their parents remained. Far from settling
down on a family
farm, younger sons and all daughters moved away.
Even the eldest
son often went away for a number of years before
returning to take
over a holding. The central feature of the
situation seems again to
have been the opposite of the 'peasant'
situation. Rather than the
holding absorbing the children's labour, the
parental home shed the
children just as they began to be net producers.
If extra labour was
needed, it was hired in the form of labourers or
servants. This was
related to a particular and peculiar household
structure.
It is
characteristic of peasant societies that in operation and some-
times in residence as well the basic unit is the
'extended family.
Married sons and their wives and parents work
together and con-
sume together, pooling labour and sharing
proceeds. This is often
reflected in residential arrangements or
household structure. Thus
households are often large and contain more than
one currently
married couple - as, for example, in a 'stem'
family, with a married
couple, their married son and wife and their grandchildren.
It is clear
that in Kirkby Lonsdale, as elsewhere in England
at this time, such
complex and extended households were absent. The
listing for
Lupton in 1695 does not show a single instance of
a married child
living with his or her parents, not even with a
widowed parent. The
Killington listing mentions two cases only among
222 names; a
widow living with a married son, and a widower
with a married
daughter. The idea that two married couples
should live or work
together is never expressed in any of the documents.
Nor are there
any cases of anything equivalent to the Indian
joint family, where
brothers and their wives live together or work a
communal estate
together. Throughout Kirkby Lonsdale, the
listings for the nine
townships show, with very few exceptions indeed,
only nuclear
families, parents and unmarried children. It is
true that wills fairly
frequently mention that children are married, but
in such cases the
married child seems to have lived elsewhere.
It is
obvious that analysis of residential or household structure is
not by itself enough to disprove the absence of
'extended' or 'joint'
families. Co-residence is only one of the
indexes. Although the
Kirkby Lonsdale families did not live in complex
households and do
not seem to have been 'eating from the same pot'
as they would have
done in pre-revolutionary Russia, they could
still have been acting as
joint families in terms of ownership, production
and consumption. It
is well known that the joint residential unit,
for instance in India, is
345
often more an ideal than an actuality, and that
most people, most of
the time, live in nuclear households, even in
peasant societies. 38 Even
if it is clear from comparing the Kirkby Lonsdale
listing and parish
register that the situation was far removed from
that described by
Berkner for parts of Austria, where most people
spend a part of their
lives living in an extended household,(39) it
might be that operationally
there was some form of co-operation. We might
find a group of
married couples, parents, brothers and wives and
children living in
the same village and working a communal plot.
Literary
evidence makes us suspect that even joint families defined
in terms of operation rather than residence did
not exist. It was not
just a matter, as Arthur Young put it when
attacking the settlement
laws, (40) of the young 'abhorring' the thought
of living with their
fathers or mothers after marriage; it was a
question of discipline,
self-government, independence. A description of
norms which
would astound an 'ideal-type' peasant is given in
1624 by William
Whately when counselling young people.(41)
When thou art married, if it
may be, live of thy selfe with thy wife, in a
family of thine owne, and not
with another, in one family, as it were, betwixt
you both. . . The mixing of
governours in an household, or subordinating or
uniting of two Masters, or
two Dames, under one roofe, cloth fall out most
times, to be a matter of much
unquietnes to all parties: to make the young
folks so wholly resigne
themselves unto the elder, as not to be discontented
with their proceedings; or to
make the elder so much to deny themselves, as
to condescend unto the wills
of the younger . . . in the common sort of
people [is] altogether
impossible. Whereof, as the young Bees do seek unto
themselves another Hive, so
let the young couple another house ...
This advocates not merely a physical separation,
but a social one also,
the setting up of an economically and jurally
independent unit. We
find that local records support this idea of
separate units.
Wills,
inventories, deeds and manorial records, as well as the
listings, make it clear that families did not
operate as communal units
in production and consumption. Despite earlier
quoted remarks
about the concentration of family names, the
listings do not reveal
heavy concentrations of people with the same
surname, possibly kin,
living near to each other. In Killington, for
example, the majority of
38 W. J. Goode, World Revolution and Family
Patterns (New York, 1963), p. 17; figures for
India are summarized on p. 242.
39 L. K. Berkner, 'The Stem Family and the
Developmental Cycle of the Peasant
Household . American Historical Review 77 (1972),
pp. 398-418.
40 Quoted in W. E. Tate, The Parish Chest
(Cambridge, 1960), p. 214.
41 W . Whately, A Bride-Bush: or, a Direction for
Married Persons (London, 1619), sig.
A6r.
346
the surnames of heads of household only occur
once in the listing. In
only nine cases did surnames occur in more than
two households.
The most common surname in the parish was Barker,
fifteen of the
222 persons in the parish being called by that
name; eleven were
called Atkinson. If we concentrate on these two
names, we find that,
although each of them was to be found in eight
separate households,
this was by no means a situation of a group of
'kindred' farming a set
of neighbouring estates or one large farm. In the
case of the Barkers,
there were three households with three Barkers in
each, one with two
people of that name, and five households merely
containing one
person of that name, usually as a servant. The
Atkinsons were even
more spread out, with one set of three, one of
two, and the rest single
individuals. Since both these names were common
in the region, it is
quite likely that a number of the individuals
were not related, except
very distantly. If we turn to the wills, there is
nowhere in the nearly
two thousand for the parish a suggestion that
brothers were farming
jointly. The probate inventories show where
people's livestock was at
the time of their death and to whom they owed
debts; in neither case
is there any hint of communal farming. The unit
of production was
the husband and wife and hired labour (not
children). This helps to
explain, and is given support by, the incidence
of servanthood in the
area.
It
appears from studies of India, Russia and other peasant societies
that farm servants and domestic servants are
relatively rare and
unimportant in traditional peasantries. Farm
labour is family labour.
In Kirkby Lonsdale, a search of the listings
shows that the absent
child labour was replaced by hired labour. In
Killington, of an adult
male population of approximately eighty, ten were
stated to be
servants and nine were day labourers; thus
approximately one-
quarter were hired labour. Another quarter were
stated to be 'pen-
sioners' in receipt of parish poor relief. Thus
one half of the
population was supporting or paying for the
labour of the other half.
There were also thirteen women stated to be
servants. It seems to
have been the case that movement into an
unrelated household,
either as apprentice, servant or day labourer,
was a central feature of
the area. In other words, instead of the unit of
labour being
determined by the demographic expansion and
contraction of the
family as sons were born and grew and parents
died (as in the classic
Chayanovian model),, people regulated the amount
of labour by
hiring labour. As their holding expanded, they
could bring in more
labour. Half the parish hired the other half. In
this situation,
economics were not dependent on demography.
Furthermore, with a
347
free labour supply, two important consequences
followed. First,
there was no great incentive to marry young and
to have many
children; young adults could be hired without the
inconvenience of
having to be fed and clothed in their young and
unproductive years.
Secondly, there was an incentive to saving and
accumulation, since
such saving could be used to purchase more land
and more labour.
Expansion was not limited by the inelasticity of
labour. A conse-
quence of this was that the pattern of social
mobility in the area was
very different from that experienced in peasant
societies.
It has
been suggested that the typical pattern, at least of the
pre-revolutionary Russian peasantry is one of cyclical
mobility by
which families move as a whole, and in which over
time a family will
accumulate property, have more children,
partition the estate and
become poorer again. Thus there are no long-term
divisions into
permanent 'classes'.(42) The pattern in Kirkby
Lonsdale \N-as totally
different. Families did not move as a whole;
daughters and younger
sons often moved downwards while the eldest son
would move
upwards. We have to trace individual mobility,
rather than family
mobility, for the pressure of impartibility and
private as opposed to
family estates was dominant. Furthermore, there
are traces of a
growing separation between the rich and the poor,
which turned into
a permanent class barrier, even in this
supposedly egalitarian region.
In Killington at the time of the 1695 listing,
approximately one-third
of the population were in receipt of poor relief
or were 'pensioners.
In the main township of Kirkby Lonsdale, in the
year of the listing
some 52 persons were listed in the poor
overseer's accounts as
receiving alms. If we assume that they had
roughly the same number
of dependants as the poor in Killington, this
would again constitute
one-third of the population. We are witnessing
the formation in this
rural area of a permanent and large category of
landless and largely
propertyless labouring families. The townships
were already divided
into certain individuals who owned the farms and
shops and others
who worked for them.
If we
combine the various features described above, we may
present an over-simplified, yet basically
correct, general model which
depicts this parish as populated by a set of
highly individualistic,
highly mobile (in both the geographical and the
social sense) and
capitalistic farmers and craftsmen. This is
further confirmed if we
look at the extensive web of debts and credit to
non-kin revealed in
the probate inventories. It is also both
supported and integrated into
42 Shanin,
The Awkward Class, part ii.
348
one ideal-type life portrait in a description of
what life was like in one
of these northern valleys. The account was
written in the nineteenth
century, looking back to the early eighteenth,
but, judging by the
accounts we have looked at, it would appear to
hold true of the
second half of the seventeenth century also.
Bearing in mind the
stability and 'family property' complex of an
Indian or east European
peasant, it is worth quoting the description in
full.(43)
The farm labourer of the
dales, then (and he is more often than not the son of
a small farmer of yeoman), is
nothing akin to his southern brother ... he is
early sent to school, but at
fourteen leaves home to earn his own living. He
has been well schooled, in a
way, and looks forward to 'service'. At the
half-yearly hiring -
Whitsuntide or Martinmas - after he has attained his 'first
majority', he goes to the
nearest country town and stands in the market-
place. He is attired in a
brand new suit, with a capacious necktie of green and
red. These articles he has
donned upon the memorable morning, and as a gift
from his parents they
constitute his start in life ... As an outward and visible
sign of his intention, the
lad sticks a straw in his mouth and awaits the issue
. . . After waiting a greater
part of the morning and seeing many of his
fellow-men and maid-servants
hired, he is accosted by a stalwart yeoman,
who inquires if he wants a
'spot' - a place, a situation. The lad replies that he
does; that he is willing to
do anything; and that he will engage for £´ the
half-year - 'if it pleases' .
At sixteen or seventeen he is stalwart enough to
hire as a man, and now his
wages are doubled; he asks and obtains E12 for the
year, or even E14 if entering
upon the summer half. The farm servants of the
dales 'live in, and have all
found ... in proportion, the girls are much better
off in the matter of wages
than the men. There is probably less competition
among them, owing to the fact
that there is a great temptation for country
girls to migrate and enter
service in provincial towns ... Many of the men,
when about thirty years of age,
are able to take small farms of their own.
Nearly all the statesmen's
sons do this, and probably without any outside
help; for, as a class, these
labourers are not only industrious but thrifty. I
knew a man who had saved
£É20, which sum he had divided and deposited
in three banks ... From the
fact of 'living in', as nearly all the valley servants
do, it need hardly be said
that early marriages are rare. All the better men
look forward to the time when
they can have a farm of their own; and when
they obtain a holding, they
then look out for a wife.
Here we see all the features: the absence of ties
between sons and
their father's holding; geographical mobility;
hired labour; saving and
thrift; late age at marriage; the movement of
girls away from the area.
In every respect it is a contrast with peasantry.
It
would be foolish to over-stress the absence of a peasant social
structure in England in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries.
Although it cannot be found in the lowlands or in
Kirkby Lonsdale, it
43 The Annals of a Quiet Valley by a Country
Parson, edited by John Watson (London,
1894),pp.94-100.
349
is possible that there may be areas, for example
northern Cumbria,
Redesdale, Cornwall, in which farm and family
were more closely
identified. Yet it does not seem possible to
sustain the belief that
England as a whole was a 'peasant' society before
the Industrial
Revolution. To what extent this placed it apart
from continental
Europe, Scotland and Ireland, needs to be
investigated. We shall also
need to examine when this alternative pattern
emerged and what its
consequences were. Here we have merely sought to
establish that
direct analogies between the supposedly 'peasant'
nation of England
in the fifteenth to eighteenth century and
peasantries in other nations
in the past and present should be treated with
considerable caution.